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An estimated 20 million tonnes of crude oil lies locked beneath the Assam-Nagaland border. Despite a 2023 royalty deal, tribal land rights and constitutional clashes keep the drills frozen.

In April 2023, a historic handshake between Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma and Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio promised to end a three-decade deadlock over oil exploration in the Disputed Area Belt (DAB). Yet, more than a year later, not a single drill has touched the ground. Underneath this disputed border lies an estimated 20 million metric tonnes of crude oil, worth billions of dollars, trapped by politics, constitutional friction, and tribal land rights.
The roots of this freeze go back to 1963, when Nagaland was carved out of Assam. The boundary was never mutually accepted, turning a 512-kilometer border into a flashpoint of violent clashes and heavy police presence. When ONGC began drilling in the Changpang oil field of Nagaland's Wokha district in the 1970s, locals felt cheated of royalties, leading to a complete shutdown of operations in 1994.
Since then, these oil reserves have remained a ghost asset. While India imports over 85% of its crude oil, this domestic goldmine sits idle. The 1994 shutdown didn't just stop the flow of oil; it created a deep-seated distrust between the local Naga landowners, the state government, and central public sector undertakings.
The April 2023 agreement attempted a simple fix: split the oil royalties 50:50 between Assam and Nagaland, bypassing the border dispute for economic gain. But this deal overlooked a massive legal wall: Article 371A of the Indian Constitution. This unique provision guarantees that no Act of Parliament concerning land and its resources applies to Nagaland unless the state legislative assembly decides so. To the Naga people, land ownership is absolute and communal.
Who actually owns the oil? Under central laws, the Union government owns all sub-surface minerals. However, Nagaland claims ownership under Article 371A. This constitutional mismatch means any agreement signed between two state capitals has little weight on the ground without the consent of tribal councils like the Lotha Hoho, who guard these resource-rich lands fiercely.
'You cannot extract oil from our ancestral lands by signing papers in Guwahati or Kohima. The land belongs to the people, not the state.' — A local community leader in Wokha district.
📌 Key Point: While the central government views oil as a national strategic asset, tribal communities in Nagaland view it as private ancestral property protected by constitutional exceptions.
For exploration to begin, three specific roadblocks must be dismantled. First, the legal ambiguity of the 1972 interim border agreement, which placed the DAB under the supervision of central police forces, remains unresolved. Second, the technical challenge of mapping reserves without triggering fresh border skirmishes is immense. Finally, there is the unresolved environmental liability of the 1994 abandonment, where open wells have leaked for thirty years, polluting local water bodies.
Can they pull it off? It requires a tripartite framework involving the Centre, the state governments, and the tribal land-owning clans. Without direct financial equity for the local landowners, any drill machine sent to the border will face immediate blockades.
The Assam-Nagaland oil dispute is a classic case of economic potential colliding with historical identity. Splitting royalties on paper is easy; dividing them with communities that have guarded their sovereign land rights for generations is another story. As India's energy bill continues to climb, will New Delhi and the state governments find a way to make local landowners true partners, or will this vast reserve remain buried under political deadlock for another thirty years?
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